In addition to targeting people who identify as lesbians, gays, bisexual, transgender or gender non-conforming, the SSMB will:

Prevent and or call into question two people of the same sex living or staying together , whether lovers, friends, co-workers or acquaintances,.

Will prohibit any display of friendship and or affection between two people of the same sex. Any form of touching, holding hands, embracing, and even looking could very well result in a 10 year prison sentence.

Will prohibit organisations and individuals who advocate for sexual and reproductive rights, health rights particularly those concerned with HIV/AIDs prevention and treatment the majority of whom are heterosexual persons. Will also prohibit any accused person from receiving legal representation or support.

Will require family, friends, work colleagues to report to the police anyone suspected of being involved or supporting anyone thought to be either engaged in same-sex relationships or who is believed to be a LGBT person. Thus everyone irrespective of their sexual orientation becomes vulnerable to vindictive accusation and vigilante summary “justice”!

The SSMB will particularly affect the poor unemployed and those on low incomes and will also compromise and restrict other rights such as:

freedom of assembly / association: – this can well include women only groups including religious based groups, student associations, reading groups and opens the doors for false-accusations and “witch-hunting” against individuals and groups.

freedom of speech/ expression: – the Bill can be used to censor and prosecute, all types of media from newspapers to radio to social media such as blogs, Facebook and Twitter as writers and photographers can be accused of publicising, promoting, supporting LGBT people or criticising the SSMB and or the government’s anti-LGBT policy.

Nigerians advocating the bill need to ask themselves, do they really wish to live in a society whereby millions of people live in fear of being outed, where millions are denied legal representation, the right to assemble, to free speech, to embrace their friends, to share a room with a friend for fear of prosecution? Can a nation or individuals without humanity ever be really free?

Chude Jideonwo “Why the Nigeria’s Anti-Gay Bill Sickens Me alludes to the real purpose of the Bill which is to expand the existing legislation on homosexuality to include organisations and individuals who “register operate or participate in gay… organizations” and as he points out this could well including criticisms of the Bill such as his article and this blog post.

It is important to first understand that no gay Nigerian, as far as anyone knows, is seeking marriage — in Nigeria…….You can comb the breadth of our decidedly homophobic media (“Homosexuals are in trouble!” crowed The Sun Newspapers, no doubt mirroring the excitement of its upright editorial board), and there is neither anecdotal nor empirical evidence of a clamor, even a quiet one, for gays to be married in churches, mosques or courts.

I would like to draw attention to the parallels of the “Thomas” tweeted by @rmajayi [ a young man abandoned on the roadside and left for dead in Ado Ekiti]; the non-investigation of the Abia gang rape either by the Abia statement government or the police; and this weeks Senate passing of the Same Sex Marriage Bill 2011. What each of these cases explicitly imply is that citizenship is not open to everyone. The state and its institutions of power both secular and religious, determine who is and what crimes are to be granted recognition; who is worthy of saving; who is considered a loyal citizen and can therefore expect justice. Those who criticize the SSM Bill on the basis that Nigeria has more pressing legislative issues to deal with such as endemic corruption [an example of a decades old obsession that everyone complains about but one in which everyone partakes - but seemingly no one sees themselves as part of the problem] fail to make the connections between homophobia and sexual violence or a violence which allows a man to be abandoned next to a gutter in front of hundreds of shoppers and passers by and to die through lack of attention and care. Even when a “good Samaritan” does attempt to do something she is disparaged and bullied as wanting only publicity for her acts!

Sexual harassment of women or being silent in its presence is so normalised within Nigerian society to the point when it is happening publicly and privately on a day to day basis online and offline in actions and words and body language. Women are constantly being degraded and verbally abused or demeaned on social media sites. Homophobia is horrifically expressed and applauded. These are all continuums of sexual abuse which take place without question. It is this nomalisation of sexual abuse and institutionalised misogyny that allows the police and others in authority to feel comfortable in making statements such as “she wanted to be raped” and to be wholly negligent in their investigations. It is what allows the government of Abia State and the university to sit quietly on the sidelines and do nothing.

What happens to these now normalised and legalised violences when a woman or man is raped, beaten or murdered because they were perceived to be a LGBTI person or this is used as defense? What if the Abia rapists claim they gang raped the victim because they know or suspect she is a lesbian? What if the abandonment of Thomas and others like him is justified on the basis of their sexual orientation? Although these are individualised acts of violence they are representative of a pervasive violence or threat of violence against queer people, women, children, the poor and the vulnerable.

The rationale behind the Same Sex Marriage Bill and its proposed counterpart in Uganda, is a huge deceit being spread by secular and religious leaders that decriminalising LGBTI persons would be an imposition from western imperialists and moral decadents. On the contrary these legislations are part of a continuity of western imperialism and “European heterosexual inheritance” [1] which were forced on colonial subjects and a mark of our continued colonial dependency.

“Love Against Homophobia” from the album “The Kings Will by Musa Okwonga

[1] M. Jacqui Alexander -”Erotic Autonomy as a Politics of Decolonization: An Anatomy of Feminist and State Practice in the Bahamas Tourist Industry” 1997]

NOTE: An edited version of this post was first published on New Internationalist.

The original idea for this piece was to write a short essay on Nigerian Feminism over the past 50 years.  However there are still those who feel that “feminism” is unAfrican and I feel there needs to be a discussion on what Nigerian Feminism is before one can begin to name Nigerian feminists.   I give an example. Earlier this year I was at a workshop on Gender and Militarization and we were working through ideas around “feminist methodology”.  One of the participants asked for clarification on the term ‘feminist’.  From the discussion it soon became clear that many of those present were reluctant to use the term which they associated with “lesbianism” or “man-hating”  which were “unAfrican” and feminism was a western idea and as such not something they wished to be a part of.   Some consensus was reached but anything to do with same-sex desire was dismissed by all but two women including myself.    What should have come next, was a discussion on  who or what can be said to be authentically African?   Who is the holder of this power to define who or what is African which assumes a static or fixed condition?   How can they do so given, for example, the cultural, linguistic and ethnic diversity in a geographical entity of nearly 1 billion people?  Even to say it is “unNigerian” is equally problematic.

My understanding of African / Nigerian feminism lies somewhere between indigeious feminisms which have always existed in the sense that Nigerian women have always fought against local oppressive conditions as well as more recently colonialism; and contemporary feminism which is relatively new and although it has its foundations in Europe,  Africa / Nigeria has developed it’s own contemporary indigenous feminisms which struggle against fundamentalist and oppressive conditions such as female genital mutilation, forced marriages, widowhood rites,  same sex relationships and so on.  The point is that feminism is not just about women, its about creating a new form of social relationships based on equality, mutual respect and justice.

So instead I am going to focus on some of the Nigerian women (some may identify as feminists, some may not) who  have taken action towards achieving justice and social, economic, environmental and political change.  Women who I consider to be progressive and who have challenged and resisted oppressive conditions and or laws by taking action either individually or collectively.   The women here largely remain nameless but their actions have not been forgotten.  They have much to teach us with their courage and tenacity.   I hope that those who read the piece can add to it and possibly we can begin the discussion around what we mean by ‘Nigerian FeminismS”.   The list of women is not definitive – it is my list and I invite readers to share the names of  their role models and heroines.

Pre-Independence
Although pre-independence, it would be impossible and inappropriate not to mention to two important acts of resistance in Nigeria’s history.   The  Women’s War of 1929 [also known as the Aba Women’s Riots] and the Abeokuta market women protests of  the early 1940s.    Both protests centered around market women, the colonial imposition of unfair taxation and indirect rule in southern Nigeria.   In the Women’s War, which lasted nearly two months, market women gathered at the “Native Administration” centers in Owerri, Calabar and towns across South Eastern Nigeria to protest against taxes imposed by  Warrant Chiefs who were seen as bullies on the payroll the colonial masters.   The women,  some 25,000 strong in places, attacked the colonial system – prisons, courts, European owned shops as well as the Warrant Officers themselves.  The women were able to force the colonial authorities to drop the taxes and curb the Warrant Officers.  Possibly more important than the Women’s ‘revolt’ against injustice was the first notable challenge to colonial authority and this show of resistance influenced the movement for independence which was largely led by men.  [For more on the Aba Women’s Riot see Igbo Kwenu]

The Abeokuta market women protests came almost a decade later but again the women revolted against colonial taxes and the failure of the traditional rulers to defend their demands and challenge the colonial masters. Instead under indirect rule, the Alake of Abeokuta was the person ultimately responsible for tax collection.

The issue of taxation was a particularly sore issue for the  women of Abeokuta who were amongst the first females to be subjected to tax by the colonial government.  Girls were taxed at age 15 whilst boys 16 and wives were taxed separately from their husbands irrespective of their income.  The women considered the tax as “foreign, unfair and excessive” but they also objected to the method of collection.   The educator and feminist Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti [FRK] who was at that time headteacher at Abeokuta Grammar School learned of the women’s struggle and formed the Abeokuta Women’s Union [AWU]

The AWU became a huge due-paying organisation with some 20,000 women as members and were able to organise huge demonstrations.  It was a highly disciplined organisation and everyone was expected to follow the rules.  The anti-tax protest action was a long and protracted one in which FRK was at the head leading the women in the struggle which eventually resulted in the temporary abdication of the Alake of Abeokuta.   The protest consisted of mass demonstrations and refusals to pay the tax.  FRK apparently led training sessions in her compound for these demonstrations where she explained to the women how to cover their eyes, noses and mouths with cloth when tear gas was thrown.  She also instructed them to pick up the canisters of tear gas and throw them back at the police.   The demonstrations were called “picnics” or “festivals” by the women as they were unable to get permits.  The women were utterly fearless and even challenged the “ORO”, an entirely male “thing or ritual” said to have supernatural powers.  At one point FRK seizes the ORO which resembles a stick and displayed it in her home.   The anti-tax protests took a large toll on FRK and the women but they stuck with it and eventually succeeded in their demands. [ORO - I would appreciate more clarity on this so please email or leave a comment if you have any additional information]

Political actvists in the early women’s movement
Madam Margaret Expo, Oyinkan Abayomi – founder of the Nigerian Women’s Party, Lady Ademola and Folayegbe Akintunde-Ighodalo are just a few of the pioneers in the formation of the Nigerian Women’s movement  concerned with capacity building, employment, suffrage and increasing women’s political participation.  What was common to all these women was the belief that women are not and should not be subordinate to men.  There was a recognition of the contradiction between women’s role in the public sphere and that of the private which needed to be challenged.

Post Independence
The last 50 years have seen very few protests equal to those in the post independence era other than those by women of the Niger Delta.  I will return to this later but first I would like to mention a number of individual Nigerian women who have made a difference in the struggle for social justice and who I consider to be women of action and feminists.

Human Rights activists
Dorothy Aken’Ova – For her work with young women on sexual and reproductive health in Minna, Niger State.

Hauwa Ibrahim – For her work as a human rights lawyer defending women sentenced under sharia law.

Ayo Obe- A Human Right Lawyer. Was once with the Civil Liberty Organisation.

Chibogu Obinwa: A human rights activist with Baobab for Women’s Human Rights in Nigeria.

Josephine Nzerem: For her very important and often forgotten group of Nigerian women – Executive Director of Human Angle, an organization that works to provide protection, advocacy and justice for widows and their right of inheritance.

Josephine Effah- Chukuma:  For her work in establishing Project Alert to protect women from sexual, domestic and gender- based violence. Her organization provides temporary accommodation for victims of abuse while they help seek justice, counseling and medical help.

Academics

Amina Mama, for ten years Amina was the director of the African Gender Institute in Cape Town. One of her main areas of research and expertise is ‘Militarism’ in Africa.

Ayesha Imam, founder of Baobab for Women’s Rights, specifically her groundbreaking  work on women’s rights in Islamic law

Funmilayo Olonisakin is the Director of Conflict, Security and Development Group, Kings College London.  She is the founder of the Fellowship programme for African women on Peace and Security.

Journalists/ Bloggers
Funmi Iyanda – For her work in broadcasting and her award winning show New Dawn and her courage to address the those uncomfortable issues and challenge many of the stereotypes and hypocrises that exist in our society.

Nigerian Curiosity – For her commitment to Nigerian democracy and analysis of Nigerian politics through her excellent blog.

Toyin Ajao: For her blog “The Activist”  with which she raises awareness on women’s rights, gender equality and the security of African women.

Ore Somolu – For her work with women and technology –

The Arts
Buchi Emecheta – For her writing on Nigerian women and the intersection of race, gender and sexuality in Britain.

Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie – For challenging patriarchy and homophobia  in her writing and for having the courage to engage Nigerians with their history, particularly Biafra.

Unoma Azuah – For her work as a progressive writer and mentor and like Adichie for challenging homophobia and fundamentalism

Bibi Bakare-Yusuf - For her work in promoting the writings of Nigerian and other African writers through her publishing house, Cassava Republic.

Lucy Azubuike -  For her work on women’s sexuality such as “Like a Virgin” which challenges oppressive traditions such as female genital mutilation [FGM]

Hafsat Abiola Constello – Through yearly staging of V-Monologue play in Nigeria (running for 4/5 yrs now). Stories of abuse against women, FMG, forced marriage, disinheritance of women are told.

To return to the collective actions of women in the post-independence period.  Apart from periodic protests by market women in major urban areas such as Lagos, there is no doubt that women of the Niger Delta have been the most visible in their struggle against the multinational oil companies and Nigerian military occupation of their lands.  During the height of the Ogoni Movement for the Survival of  Ogoni People [MOSOP] in the early 1990s,  the Federation of Ogoni Women [FOWA] were at the forefront of the struggle.  The troubles in Ogoniland came to a head in November 1993 when the Nigerian military government began a three-year campaign of violence, murder, rape, burning, looting, beatings and torture, against the Ogoni people.  For the Ogoni women, resistance was  incorporated into every part of their daily life as they lived through  Shell’s destruction of their environment and the presence of the Nigerian military.   The women faced harassment on their farms, on the way to their markets, in their villages minding their homes, and at night when they were asleep.  In this way their very existence became part of their resistance as they insisted on being visible and became more and more politicized engaging with elders and youths in the struggle.

FOWA soon gained voting rights within MOSOP and in this way FOWA was able to use a strategy of collective action as an act of resistance in their struggle and coordinate their activities with men in the community. Another strategy was to use their position and status as mothers to work with the youths who were, in effect, their sons or the age of their sons.    Similar tactics have been used by other women in the Niger Delta.  Women from the Egiland in Rivers State organised with youths to protest against the environmental damage caused by Elf oil as well as demanding jobs for their husbands and sons.

Between 2002 and 2004 thousands of women from the Ijaw, Itsekiri, Urhobo and Iljae  nationalities organized a series of  unprecedented protests and occupations of oil facilities belonging to Chevron and Shell including Chevron’s main facility at Escravos in Delta State.   Young and elderly women with the support of their families and communities, held steadfast until their demands for development in their communities was agreed upon.   These protests were especially important as both the oil companies and Nigerian military were unable to use their usual divide and rule tactics to break up the women’s occupation.

Since the 2004 uprising there have been sporadic protests by women in the region such as between May and August this year when women from the Ekpan and Ugborodo communities in Delta State demonstrated in frustration against the continued lack of development and the erosion of lands in their community.   Unfortunately I do not have the space to present a critical examination on the success and failure of the various Niger Delta women’s uprising but on the whole they have not been sustainable largely because they have centered around a specific set of demands which when met, the protest ends until the next set of demands or crisis occurs.

In conclusion, reading the media, one would be forgiven for  thinking that for example, Niger Deltan women, market women who have always been extremely organised and vocal, were invisible, silent and passive victims of violence and oppression.   The same goes for commentary by political activists, social researchers and humanitarian organizations on the active participation of Nigerian women in general.  This needs to change because it is evident to me that if we are to achieve any meaningful change then we should start by studying and documenting the actions of  these pioneering and contemporary women and realise that within us we have an enormous amount of knowledge and the power to bring about change.  It is women who successfully challenged the colonial authorities and traditional rulers.  It is women who have been at the forefront of the non-violent struggle for justice in the Niger Delta though this has largely been ignored. It is feminists like Amina Mama, Lucy Azubuike and Chimamanda Adichie who are placing women at the center in their writing and artistic work.    This is not to elevate women to a superior place in our societies but to recognize that it is in the interest of men and everyone irrespective of their gender, status, ethnicity, religion, sexual preference to engage with feminism so as to create an environment where radical transformation can take place.

Thanks to Toyin Ajao for providing additional names of human rights activists for this post.

It’s no coincidence that during his Governorship of Zamfara, Sani Yerima who has a habit of marrying underage girls, instigated and championed the implementation of Sharia law in his state where marrying girls as young as 11 is common place. Why is a Senator who is a serial rapist and child trafficker, walking around as if nothing has happened? Why is he not being called to account in the Senate as well as being charged with rape? Because like elsewhere in the word but more so in Nigeria, the rich are above the law particularly if they are also politicians and because there is still a culture of protecting pedophiles and blaming the children.

Women Empowerment and Legal Aid [WELA] is demanding that the Federal Government arrest and prosecute Yerima for trafficking but not for forced marriage and rape. Why – because Yerima married the young girl under Sharia law and the age of consent in Nigeria remains 13. This is so typical on all levels. No one has the guts to come out name the man and his crimes and challenge a law, religious or otherwise, which violates the rights of children as agreed by all international and African human rights legislation including Nigeria’s Child Rights Act 2003.However although the Act is enforceable at Federal level only 16 of the 36 states have passed the Act leaving millions of Nigerian children without any protection.

Nigeria has been unable to deal with several issues hindering the protection rights of children such as children living on the streets, children affected by communal conflict, drug abuse, human trafficking and the weaknesses of the juvenile justice system amongst others.

In 2005, The Supreme Council for Shari’ah in Nigeria (SCSN) made an official protest against adopting the Child Rights Act and again in 2008 the Kano House of Assembly said the Act was against the religion and culture [of the north].

Gafasa, in an interview with THISDAY, also said that the Act is ” Against the wishes of Kano and entire Northern part of the country as its against our religion and culture”

Whilst I have no time for Gadaffi and believe he should shut up and stop interfering in Nigeria’s internal politics, maybe he did have a point after all in calling for a Nigeria to be split in two since the Sharia states have a law onto their own and refuse to accept international, African and Nigeria human rights laws or acknowledge the Federal penal code.

The WELA and other rights organisations should be campaigning for an open discussion on the age of consent which should be raised to 16 and forced marriages to be made a criminal offense. Civil Society and Pro-Democracy groups are so focused on party politics and corruption whilst religious groups are busy moralising and ranting against homosexuality. The two issues are the rights of children and secondly the fact that at this moment there are two Nigeria’s – the northern Sharia states and the rest of the country and the former is increasingly removing itself from the Federal structure and picking and choosing which Federal and international laws it will uphold and those it will ignore.

Cross-posted here.

One of the those presenting the Petition, Kasha Jacqueline of FARUGANDA was shocked by the response of the Speaker who is supposed to be independent.

“[The] Speaker of Parliament insists that the Bill shall not be withdrawn,”We might reduce the punishments, but it cannot be go out the way it is, it has to go through procedures and also the MP who tabled it is the only one who can withdraw it” he said . So guessing that they are insisting on just “softening” it. I cannot believe this.”

By stating the Bill shall not be withdrawn, the Speaker, who is supposed to be independent and not give opinions, is clearly showing his support for the Bill. The Bill will now go back to Parliament for a second reading and then on to the Legal and Parliamentary Committee where there will be an open discussion with the public which will include lawyers acting for the activists and civil society organisations. This will be a further opportunity to challenge the legality of the proposed Bill and to put further pressure on Parliament to abandon it altogether. It will then return to Parliament for a third and final reading and a vote.

There are signs of withdrawal of at least some aspects of the Bill, particularly the death penalty, though even if that is dropped the Bill in any form is still a violation of all national, continental and international Human Rights treaties and legislation to which Uganda is a signatory.

I think the speaker and the government have put themselves into a corner now and they are panicking. They thought it would be a political game in their favor but it turns out now they are between a rock and sand. They have to amuse the voters and at the same time they need funds to run the country. Now they must be thinking what a blunder they made, that’s why even Bahati and Ssempa are silent…… Kasha Jacqueline

However the voices of hate are still being heard in old and new places such as this comment by in the Ugandan Observer

I personally feel gays or homos have a mental problem. I’ve even failed to imagine how they do their thing. I often pray that this debate should come to an end because the more we talk about it the more silly arguments in favour of it will always be raised by the Mwendas and Nagendas of this world as our children are listening.

Human rights activists like the (Dr. Sylvia) Tamales should know that rights are a creation of man and you cannot have rights where there is no life, a [situational] trend the gays are heading to…….
But when all is said and done, [I submit that] gays should suffer death not only by hanging but also by stoning at a public marketplace. The alternative for them is to seek medical attention; a mad person cannot claim the right to be mad. I will end by saying: Bravo Bahati, bravo Dr. Buturo!

At particular risk if the Bill is passed, in any form, are the frontline defenders like Kasha, Frank Mugisha of SMUG and Bishop Christopher Ssenyonjo who has long been a ray of hope and light in the Ugandan church. [The Bishop took part in the Sexuality and Social Justice Portrait and Testimonies project at the 2007 WSF - listen here] Last week a ground-breaking exhibition, Proudly African & Transgender, by South African artist and activist for social justice, opened at Amnesty International in Amsterdam [See here for portraits and testimonies]. The exhibition is extremely pertinent to the Bill as three of the Transgender activists – Victor Mukasa, Salango and Nikki Mawanda and Julius who identifies as Transgender and Intersex, are also Ugandans who are highly visible and have consistently put their lives on the line. The fact that transgender people are targeted to the same degree as gay and lesbians in this Bill means they too would be amongst the first to be arrested by the government. Victor Mukasa highlights the point that transgender people are what society perceives as the obvious homosexual even if they do not identify that way simply because they are visible and clearly transgressing with gender.

My experience as a transgender person in Uganda is not a sweet story. In short, a transgender person in Uganda is constantly surrounded with ridicule, mockery and abuse. For most Ugandans, any person that expresses “him/herself” as the opposite sex is a homosexual and so this exposes transgender people to all the mistreatment that they would love to give to a homosexual. All transgender people are seen as the obvious homosexuals. Therefore, on top of all the transphobia, there is homophobia even if you are not gay. For the case of Uganda, you can imagine the level.

The implications of the Bill and the denial that MSM (men who have sex with men) exist in Uganda are also preventing access to HIV/AIDs information and treatment. NGOs who support LGBTI groups and HIV/AIDS organisations are also at risk from losing their NGO status within the country because of the association of HIV/AIDS with gay men. People live in fear of being identified as being gay so they do not want to be tested or be seen to be attending clinics and groups which provide support. The bill is creating an environment of fear and hostility in Uganda which ultimately will permeate the lives of everyone. The government and religious institutions are playing a game of political Russian roulette by presenting the Bill as being directed at LGBTI people and driving a campaign of hate. At some point soon, I hope Ugandans will wake up to the fact that that a Bill which refuses the human rights of LGBTI people ultimately rejects the rights of all Ugandans whatever the gender identity, sexuality or sexual preference.

Sign the petition to oppose Uganda’s anti-gay law.

Petition the Prime Minister to pressure the Malawian government to free Steven Monjeza and Tiwonge Chimbalanga who have been imprisoned for a same sex marriage – Sign the petition here.

I’m writing this post in response to number of articles on the prevalence of homophobia in Africa and to try and give some perspective and historical context.     In the last six months we have seen the expression of homophobia with the Ugandan Anti-Homosexuality Bill; the arrest of gay Malawian couple, Tiwonge Chimbalanga and Steven Monjeza, for getting married;  most recently the appointment of homophobic journalist,  Jon Qwelane as South Africa’s ambassador to Uganda.   All of these are well documented so I’m not going to go into detail.   What I think is important, particularly with regards to the Ugandan Bill and the homophobic campaign that preceded it, is that it has been successfully internationalised by LGBTI activists on the continent, many who have put their lives at risk in letting us know what is happening.  [For the best in depth and regularly updated commentary and analysis on Uganda, see Gay Ugandan].  The international response has been impressive,  though as this report shows not wholly reliable. Religious leaders, government ministers, international human rights organisations and bloggers condemning the Bill.  The disgust around the Bill, has to some extent forced Ugandan President Museveni to retract the worst aspects of the Bill – the death penalty.  However I wouldn’t trust him as far as I could throw a piece of paper and the pressure to drop the Bill completely will need to be maintained.   Fro example the  “million person Anti-Gay march” is  still planning to go ahead in Kampala next month.

Uganda’s National Pastors Task Force Against Homosexuality*, chaired by Ssempa has resolved to support the Bill with amendments that include reduction of the sentence from death penalty to 20 years for aggravated homosexuality and the inclusion of a provision of “counseling and rehabilitation  [by the church] to persons experiencing homosexual temptations.”

Ssempa maintains that homosexuality is illegal, breaks the laws of God and that it breaks the laws of nature which stipulate that a male goes with a female. According to him it is a Taboo for same-sex people to be in relationship and he basis his assertion on African culture, tradition and Religion.

The Ugandan Bill has also exposed the working relationship between some Christian fundamentalist churches in the US, in particular the organisation known as “The Family,” and religious leaders in Uganda.   The ideology behind the  “The Family” appears to be about power and influence as well as religion – and the poor will not be the ones to  inherit the earth if they have anything to do with it.

The case of the gay Malawian couple  gives us an idea of what will happen if the  Ugandan Bill is passed only it would be worse, much worse.  They have been denied bail and if found guilty could  face up to 14 years in prison.    On Friday I spoke with Cameroonian LGBTI activit, Joel Gana of “African Men for Sexual Health & Rights,  who along with Victor Mukasa of SMUG and  IGLHRC are in Malawi to give personal and strategic support to Tiwonge Chimbalanga and Steven Monjeza.   In addition there are a number of other human rights defenders who have been arrested or whom are wanted by the police.

Although there is no doubt a long struggle ahead for the couple we were both reminded of the case of the Cameroonian nine who were arrested on 21st May 2005 on charges of sodomy.  After a 12 month campaign by human rights defenders / LGBTI activists across the continent the men were released and acquitted without charge.  The case of the Cameroon nine went along way to solidify the movement as Joel pointed out.

The case in the Cameroon helped solidify the movement and this could happen here.  The movement is not out but it could do the same.  Because you know the organisation in Cameroon came out of that movement to fight for the rights and thats how the “Alternative Cameroon” was founded and why they are so strong now.

There have been other victories over the past five years.   The two Nigerian Bills – the Same Sex Marriage Bill and the The Same Gender Prohibition Bill have both been shelved despite the backing of both bills by religious leaders such as the Nigerian Anglican Primate, Bishop Peter Akinola.   This is not to say they will not rise again especially if the Ugandan Bill gets passed but preventing both of them from being passed was a victory for Nigerian and international human rights activists.    In December 2008, after three and half years, Ugandan activist, Victor Mukasa won his case against the Ugandan attorney general

From the momentum created by the Ugandan LGBTI Human Rights Court Case, the numbers of people involved in advocating for the protection of the basic human rights of LGBTI people have continued to grow in Uganda. Although the 30-day “Let Us Live In Peace” Ugandan LGBTI Human Rights Media Campaign led by Sexual Minorities Uganda in August and September 2007 was met with great controversy and hostility, greater awareness and understanding of the need for protection of the basic human rights of kuchus was built among large segments of the general population in Uganda. Publicity around one of the key aspects of the case, inhuman treatment and discrimination based on gender identity, has helped to foster openness and courage in many transgender individuals in Uganda.

In September 2009, Eudy Simelane finally received a measure of justice after her murderer and rapist was found guilty and sentenced to life in prison.   However, two other men involved in the crime were acquitted on the basis they were there but did nothing,  a judicial position which campaigners will be working towards changing.  The campaign around Eudy’s trial was not an easy one and was fought with very little resources despite the international media interest in the crime and trial.

It’s a relief for everyone – family and friends of Eudy to have finally received justice. The campaign around Eudy’s case has been central to raising awarness of hate crimes against lesbians in South Africa and for that we must acknowledge the work of The Lesbian and Gay Equality Project and it’s director, Phumi Mtetwa who worked tirelessly to make sure the case was given the highest possible profile. Recognition must also go to all the friends and supporters who attended the court hearings despite the lack of funds to transport and accommodate them during the endless postponements and delays.

Most recently in Decemeber last year,  the Rwandan government changed it’s mind on the proposed Anti-Homosexuality Bill with the Minister for Justice following pressure from African and International LGBT organisations declaring.

“The government I serve and speak for on certain issues cannot and will not in any way criminalize homosexuality; sexual orientation is a private matter and each individual has his or her own orientation – – this is not a State matter at all,” said Karugarama.

The Ugandan Anti-Homosexuality Bill remains in place.  it will set a dangerous precedent across the continent if it gets passed on any level let alone with the death penalty.   It could influence and encourage those behind the Nigerian Bill as well as the governments in Gambia, Senegal, Malawi, Kenya and Zambia which have all taken a draconian stance towards same sex relationships in their countries.   What I wanted to do in this post, was to also return  to and  emphasise some of the victories African LGBT activists have achieved over the years – sometimes on their own with very little resources, sometimes with the help of international human rights organisations.
Links:

Boycott the 2010 World Cup

Open Letter to President Zuma

Statement by Equality Project

Statement on Gender & Sexuality – South Africa

“chidi opara reportshas the most posts on the Niger Delta generally but one in particular stands out in which the writer claims that the PDP tried to recruit one of the top militant leaders Mr. Government Ekpumupolo aka Tom Polo. The whole story sounds very sinister with former disgraced Bayelsa State Governor of transvestite fame, Diepriye Alamesigha as the contact man. What the story does suggest is that there are communication channels between the militants, the oil companies and the Nigerian military which on some levels seems rather too friendly for purported enemies.

More sinister than the “chidi opara reports”story, is what we do know is happening in Delta State. Waffarian points out the truth that many of us have always known – “Nigerian is not one” and certainly the Niger Delta has always been at the extremities of Nigerian consciousness. Waffarian also points out that there are now refugees in Nigerian. Hmm excuse me but this is not new. There were / are refugees from various inter religious and ethnic clashes, attacks by the Nigerian military on other Niger Delta communities – Ogoni, Isoko, Ijaw to name a few. And of course Biafra which leads me to a post by Max Siollun’s Website on the Biafran war, a subject which I think needs to be discussed far more than it is. He describes it as a “no victor no vanquished where Biafran disabled soldiers still remain the forgotten victims of Nigeria’s gruesome past.

“Today our sun has risen; for the first time since 1970 when the war ended we are seeing members of the Nigeria Defence in a great number like this. Happily enough you have seen us you have seen where we are quartered; by our right is the leprosy colony, in our front is the Oji River General Hospital ; it mainly treats the leprosy patients.

As you can see, there is no government catering for us; we only live on charity. As you come here today, we and members of our family are rejoicing that at least, they’ll have something to eat. You represent the federal government and we know through you our message will get to the president.

Nigeria, What’s New points out the promise President Yar’Adua made to the UN Human Rights Council he would not attack the Delta communities because of the very real possibility of loss of innocent lives. Another untruth – well a bare faced lie actually. The military state has never considered loss of innocent lives. On the contrary by far the majority of lives lost over the past 20 years have been civilians.

As Grandiose Parlor points out not all Niger Deltans have been adversely affected by militarisation, at least not in a negative sense. He comments on the “Statue of Liberty” which graces the entrance to the palace of “Ogbeh-Gbarana III Aketekpe Agadagba Pere of Gbaramatu Kingdom, Warri South-West Council of Delta State.” Has he spoken and what position is this traditional leader taking over the invasion of what is presumably his “domain”? In typical Nigerian fashion he has erected a “colonial” iconic statue juxtaposed against what is the last remnants of the past. I wonder where on earth the money came from to erect this hideous monstrosity. When I saw the photo I was reminded of the entrance to my Grandfathers compound in Abonnema – though that is completely dilapidated – but still a reminder of the glorious past of a once rich merchant of palm oil and grand chief of the town. 87 years since my fathers birth the compound like the rest of the town is still without electricity and running water – this is the truth of life amongst the oil wells of Nigeria.

To round up this brief review of the Niger Delta my thoughts are that instead of focusing on the militants lets look at the Nigerian Military State and try and discern a more truthful perspective. What is their record in the Niger Delta? Umuechem October/November 1990; Ilaje community in 1998 (the case against Chevron which took place in December last year); Oleh, Ozoro, and Olomoro towns in Isokoland in 1999; Ogoni between 1990 through to the judicial murder of the Ogoni 9 in November 1995; Kaiama and Odi towns in January and November 1999; the rape of women by soldiers in Choba (Ikwerre) in 1999; the attacks on communities in Delta state by the Nigerian military on behalf of Chevron in 2002.

These attacks took place before militants took up arms at least on the present scale. The rhetoric coming from the Nigerian military state and its leaders including those in the Niger Delta states is that the militants are a threat to the security and sustainability of Nigeria. But if we are truthful we find that the danger actually comes from the militarisation of Nigeria’s governance which is only thinly veiled by the second civilian republic. Human rights abuses and collective punishment together with the ongoing partnership between the military state and multinational corporations are a threat to us all. Who knows when it will be your community that is attacked with such wanton display of power and guns.

Anyone who has ever had even a cursory encounter with Nigerian security forces – military, police and MOPO (mobile police) will have little problem in imagining the brutality unleashed against people and property in Warri South West at this moment.

Sokari Ekine – Blacklooks